{"id":4829,"date":"2025-02-12T16:05:02","date_gmt":"2025-02-12T13:05:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/berru.org\/?p=4829"},"modified":"2025-02-13T11:27:11","modified_gmt":"2025-02-13T08:27:11","slug":"kurt-turk-iliskilerinde-ittifak-ve-inkar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/2025\/02\/12\/kurt-turk-iliskilerinde-ittifak-ve-inkar\/","title":{"rendered":"&#8220;K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk \u0130li\u015fkilerinde \u0130ttifak ve \u0130nkar&#8221;"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>HABER MERKEZ\u0130<\/strong>&#8211; K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemek sosyolojinin belki de en zor konusudur. K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesindeki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck, bu ili\u015fkinin mahiyetinin hi\u00e7 bilinmemesi ve bilinmek istenmemesi kadar yanl\u0131\u015f ve keyfe g\u00f6re tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131ndan, hi\u00e7bir bilimsel temeli olmayan beylik laflarla kestirilip at\u0131lmak istenmesinden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00fcrtler tarihte T\u00fcrklerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131nda, ortak stratejik \u00e7\u0131karlar nedeniyle hep ortakl\u0131\u011fa yak\u0131n bir m\u00fcttefiklik stat\u00fcs\u00fcnde ya\u015famay\u0131 tercih etiler. Bu ya\u015fam\u0131 fethedildikleri ve zorla boyun e\u011fdirildikleri i\u00e7in de\u011fil, \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na uygun bulduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in benimsediler. Malazgirt (1071), \u00c7ald\u0131ran (1514) ve Ridaniye (1517) Sava\u015flar\u0131 ile Ulusal Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n (1919-1922) neredeyse be\u015f y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k aral\u0131klarla ayn\u0131 stratejik gerek\u00e7eler temelinde ortakla\u015fa giri\u015filmi\u015f ve kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f sava\u015flar olmas\u0131 bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi do\u011frular. T\u00fcrk-K\u00fcrt ili\u015fkileri tarih boyunca kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 r\u0131zaya dayanan ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc stratejik, dinsel, siyasal, ekonomik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel temelleri bulunan ili\u015fkilerdir. K\u00fcrtler proto-fa\u015fist Beyaz T\u00fcrk komplosuyla birdenbire tek tarafl\u0131 bir ink\u00e2r ve imha \u00e7emberine al\u0131n\u0131nca varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 savunma konumuna d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler.<\/p>\n<p>15 \u015eubat 1925 soyk\u0131r\u0131m komplosundan sonra, stratejik oldu\u011fu kadar ayn\u0131 \u00fcmmetten olmaya dayal\u0131 dokuz y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihsel toplumsal ili\u015fkiler bir g\u00fcnde yok say\u0131ld\u0131. Tanr\u0131n\u0131n \u2018Ol!\u2019 emriyle bile olmayacak \u015feylerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fi, yani \u2018Yok ol!\u2019 deyince K\u00fcrtlerin yok olaca\u011f\u0131 san\u0131ld\u0131. Avrupa fa\u015fizminin ideolojik temeli olan pozitivizmden kaynakl\u0131 bu en kaba metafizik materyalizm, iktidar h\u00e2kimiyeti alt\u0131nda haklar\u0131nda \u2018imha ve ink\u00e2r\u2019 ferman\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131nca, K\u00fcrtlerin k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede yok olaca\u011f\u0131 inanc\u0131na dayan\u0131r. S\u00f6z konusu olan, \u0130ttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti\u2019nin Ermeni tasfiyesinde ba\u015far\u0131yla uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen y\u00f6ntemleri ve yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in de ayn\u0131 sonucu verece\u011fine inanan ayn\u0131 olu\u015fumun kadro art\u0131klar\u0131d\u0131r. Bunlar kendi halk\u0131n\u0131 ve ulusunu bu yalan ve ink\u00e2r siyasetine inand\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 gibi, d\u00fcnyaya kar\u015f\u0131 da sanki K\u00fcrt diye bir olgu yokmu\u015f gibi davranmaktan geri durmad\u0131lar. Ayn\u0131 ger\u00e7eklik tarih bilimi i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Denilebilir ki, \u00e7ok az tarih ili\u015fkisi, Anadolu ve Mezopotamya\u2019da in\u015fa edilen uygarl\u0131klar ve devletlerin tarihindeki kadar kendi aralar\u0131nda \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir diyalektiksel b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ifade edecek g\u00fcce sahiptir. \u0130nsanl\u0131k tarihinin geli\u015fmesinde Mezopotamya Anadolu hatt\u0131 belkemi\u011fi niteli\u011findedir. Tarihin ilk uygarl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve devletlerini kuran M\u0131s\u0131r ve S\u00fcmer toplumundan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz toplum ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine kadar bu hat bu diyalektik b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck ve belkemi\u011fini te\u015fkil etme rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynamaya devam etmektedir. Buna ra\u011fmen ulus-devlet modernizmi bu tarih \u00fczerine k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 bir ink\u00e2r \u00e7izgisi \u00e7ekerek tarihi s\u0131f\u0131rdan yani kendisinden ba\u015flatmay\u0131 bilim sayar. Halklar\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ger\u00e7e\u011fini ink\u00e2r etmeyi ulus\u00e7uluk sayan bu k\u00fclt\u00fcrel soyk\u0131r\u0131m barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kesinkes bir tarafa b\u0131rakarak tarihi bilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak gerekir.<\/p>\n<p>Farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa dayanmayana b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck denmez<\/p>\n<p>Hem s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131, kentli ve devletli uygarl\u0131k k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, hem de bu \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcye kar\u015f\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koruyan toplum k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri bir b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck hem birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k temelinde hem de kendi i\u00e7lerinde ge\u00e7erlidir. Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fe tarih boyunca en \u00e7ok Anadolu ve Mezopotamya k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri aras\u0131nda rastlamaktay\u0131z. Uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcst tabakalar\u0131 i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli olan iktidar ve devlet olgular\u0131, bu iki co\u011frafya i\u00e7inde hep i\u00e7 i\u00e7e olup bir b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck te\u015fkil etmi\u015ftir. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck her alanda ge\u00e7erlidir. \u00d6zellikle ekonomik, siyasal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel alanlarda kendini hep belli eder. S\u00fcmer, Akad, Babil, Asur, Hitit, Mitanni, Urartu, Med, Pers, Helen, Roma, Bizans ve Osmanl\u0131lardan T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne kadar ana nehir halinde b\u00fct\u00fcnsellik arz eden bir toplumsal k\u00fclt\u00fcr ya\u015fan\u0131r. \u0130ster egemenler ister boyun e\u011fdirilmi\u015fler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan olsun b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck esast\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckle birlikte kavranmas\u0131 gereken di\u011fer husus yerel farkl\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn olabilmesi i\u00e7in farkl\u0131l\u0131k gerekir. Farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa dayanmayana b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck denmez; zoraki veya g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz deyi\u015fiyle fa\u015fist tek tip ya\u015fam denir. Deniliyor ki, tarihte belirgin bir K\u00fcrt egemenli\u011fi ve devlet sistemi olu\u015fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. S\u00fcmerlerden g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar Anadolu\u2019da ve Mezopotamya\u2019da olu\u015fan t\u00fcm uygarl\u0131klarda, bu uygarl\u0131klara yol a\u00e7an iktidar ve devletlerde h\u00fck\u00fcmranl\u0131k ortakt\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck arz eder. Egemenli\u011fi ve devleti ulus-devlet gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrsek b\u00fcy\u00fck hatalara d\u00fc\u015feriz. Ulus-devlet kapitalizmin son iki y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmayan iktidar formudur. Binlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar formunda ulus devlet ge\u00e7ersizdir. Yayg\u0131n egemenlik formu kent devleti ve evrensel imparatorluktur. Bunlarda da k\u00fclt\u00fcrler ortakla\u015fa temsil edilirler. Anadolu\u2019daki ilk devlet olan Hitit devleti Mezopotamyas\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Kald\u0131 ki, tarih Hitit prensleri ve prensesleri ile krallar\u0131n\u0131n Hurri k\u00f6kenli yani Proto-K\u00fcrt oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r. Yine kom\u015fusu ve akrabas\u0131 olan Mitanniler Kuzey Mezopotamya merkezli ilk devlet olarak Hititlerle i\u00e7 i\u00e7edir. Birinin s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n nerede ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131, di\u011ferininkinin nerede bitti\u011fi belli de\u011fildir. Asur ve Urartularda da ayn\u0131 ger\u00e7eklik s\u00f6z konusudur. Med-Persler zaten i\u00e7 i\u00e7e geli\u015fip yayg\u0131nla\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Helen, Roma, Bizans ve Osmanl\u0131\u2019da da K\u00fcrt ger\u00e7e\u011fi ba\u011flam\u0131nda ayn\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iyi bilmekteyiz. Sadece iktidar ve devlet k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnde de\u011fil, t\u00fcm toplumsal k\u00fclt\u00fcr alanlar\u0131nda benzer ortakl\u0131klar ya\u015fan\u0131r. \u0130sl\u00e2miyet, H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k ve Musevilik ayn\u0131 k\u00f6kenli dinlerdir. K\u00fclt\u00fcrel ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n en belirgin \u00f6rne\u011fini te\u015fkil ederler. Bat\u0131 kapitalist modernitesi Ortado\u011fu k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerinde ulus-devlet formunu bilin\u00e7li olarak egemen k\u0131ld\u0131. Eskiden hep tek evrensel imparatorluk formuyla temsil edilen iktidar ve devlet olgusu yerine, halklar\u0131n onlarca par\u00e7aya b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcp birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131tla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fczerinde in\u015fa edilen zay\u0131f ulus-devletler temelinde Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun k\u00fclt\u00fcrel par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 ve yeni-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge haline getirilmesi sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6ylelikle b\u00f6lge kapitalist sistemin hegemonyas\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bir alt hegemonik g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak in\u015fa edilen T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti bile, dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel olan Misak-\u0131 Milli\u2019nin en \u00f6nemli par\u00e7alar\u0131ndan biri olan Musul-Kerk\u00fck yani Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 kopart\u0131larak, topal \u00f6rdek misali daha do\u011fu\u015funda topal ya\u015famaya mahk\u00fbm edilmi\u015ftir. Geleneksel Anadolu ve Mezopotamya b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bilin\u00e7li olarak, hem de birbirlerini ink\u00e2r ve kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k temelinde par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck fa\u015fist tek tip ya\u015fama kurban edilirken, b\u00fct\u00fcn farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrler de ink\u00e2r ve imhaya yat\u0131r\u0131larak yoklu\u011fa terk edilmi\u015flerdir. K\u00fcrt \u00fcst tabakas\u0131 yani iktidar ve devlet meselesiyle ilgilenen kesimler, Sultan Alparslan\u2019dan M. Kemal\u2019e kadar ortak iktidar ve devlet k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcyle hareket etmi\u015fler, bu tutumu halka da benimsetmi\u015flerdir. Kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in bir g\u00fcvence ve stat\u00fc geli\u015ftirmi\u015f olamamalar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fsal yap\u0131lar\u0131yla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olsa da, halk\u0131n kendisi de hem stratejik hem de tarihsel-toplumsal a\u00e7\u0131dan ortak bir devlet k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na daha uygun bulmu\u015ftur. Uygun buldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de su\u00e7lanamaz. Su\u00e7lanmas\u0131 gerekenler halklar\u0131n bu tarihsel beraberli\u011fini hukuki stat\u00fcye ba\u011flamak ve demokratik y\u00f6netime kavu\u015fturmak yerine, ink\u00e2ra ve imhaya yeltenenlerdir.<\/p>\n<p>Sosyalistler hi\u00e7bir ko\u015ful alt\u0131nda ulus-devlet\u00e7ili\u011fi savunamazlar<\/p>\n<p>Sosyalist bak\u0131\u015fla da olsa, ay\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 ve b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc ulus-devlet\u00e7ili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 ayr\u0131 bir ulus-devlet\u00e7ilikle kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k vermek kapitalizmin oyununa d\u00fc\u015fmek olur. D\u00fcnya halklar\u0131 bu temelde \u2018b\u00f6l-y\u00f6net\u2019 politikas\u0131n\u0131n tuza\u011f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015flerdir. Sosyalistler hi\u00e7bir ko\u015ful alt\u0131nda ulus-devlet\u00e7ili\u011fi savunamazlar. Kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 olman\u0131n en ba\u015fta gelen ilkesi, ister ezen ister ezilen uluslar veya halklar ad\u0131na olsun, ulus-devlet formunu kabul etmemektir. Genelde oldu\u011fu gibi K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerinde de tarih boyunca ortak k\u00fclt\u00fcrel temellerde ya\u015fanan b\u00fct\u00fcnselli\u011fi her ko\u015ful alt\u0131nda savunmak, sosyalist olman\u0131n di\u011fer bir ilkesidir. Kald\u0131 ki, en son Cumhuriyet\u2019in kurulu\u015funa giden yolda, Misak-\u0131 Milli ilan\u0131nda, Amasya Tamimi\u2019nde ve TBMM\u2019de ortak bir strateji etraf\u0131nda hareket etme d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki her tavr\u0131n iki halk\u0131n da mahv\u0131na yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131, ba\u015fta M. Kemal olmak \u00fczere s\u00fcrecin t\u00fcm \u00f6nemli simalar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan dile getirilmi\u015f ve belgelenmi\u015ftir. Ortak bir stat\u00fc hem de \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fl\u0131k ad\u0131na birlikte ve g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc olarak kabul edilmi\u015ftir. Sonraki komplocu ve darbeci yakla\u015f\u0131mlar, Cumhuriyet\u2019in asli unsurlar\u0131 olarak T\u00fcrkler ve K\u00fcrtlerin g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc ortak stat\u00fc ger\u00e7e\u011fini ortadan kald\u0131ramaz. Cumhuriyet tarihi boyunca ayn\u0131 komplocu ve ink\u00e2rc\u0131 zihniyet taraf\u0131ndan dayat\u0131lan asimilasyonist, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel soyk\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 y\u00f6ntemler de g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc oldu\u011fu kadar belirleyici tarihi de\u011feri olan ve ilk Anayasada (1921) belirlenen stat\u00fcy\u00fc ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131lamaz. Bu ger\u00e7eklik K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerindeki K\u00fcrt toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131 i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. K\u00fcrtler hi\u00e7bir devlet taraf\u0131ndan fethedilmemi\u015flerdir. Kendilerine y\u00f6nelik hi\u00e7bir fetih, i\u015fgal ve ilhak stat\u00fcs\u00fc yoktur. Siyasal ve hukuki a\u00e7\u0131dan stat\u00fcleri i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 devletlerle g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc ortakl\u0131k temelinde olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Modernitenin ulus-devlet\u00e7ili\u011fi taraf\u0131ndan kendilerine pahal\u0131ya mal edilse de hem tarihsel zihniyetleri hem de toplumsal k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir gelene\u011fi ya\u015famay\u0131 esas alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu gelenek halen varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. \u0130lgili ulus-devletlerin bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi \u00e7ok do\u011fru kavray\u0131p, dayatt\u0131klar\u0131 ink\u00e2r ve imha siyasetini terk ederek, tarih ve toplumla bar\u0131\u015farak hakikate de\u011fer vermeleri gerekir. Aksi halde \u00e7oktan anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi sadece topal y\u00fcr\u00fcmekle kalmayacaklar, her fa\u015fist ulus-devletin ba\u015f\u0131na geldi\u011fi, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi kendi felaketlerini de bu imha ve ink\u00e2r siyaseti ve uygulamalar\u0131nda ya\u015fayacaklard\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>HABER MERKEZ\u0130&#8211; K\u00fcrt-T\u00fcrk ili\u015fkilerini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemek sosyolojinin belki de en zor konusudur. K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesindeki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck, bu ili\u015fkinin mahiyetinin hi\u00e7 bilinmemesi ve bilinmek istenmemesi kadar yanl\u0131\u015f ve keyfe g\u00f6re tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131ndan, hi\u00e7bir bilimsel temeli olmayan beylik laflarla kestirilip at\u0131lmak istenmesinden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcrtler tarihte T\u00fcrklerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131nda, ortak stratejik \u00e7\u0131karlar nedeniyle hep ortakl\u0131\u011fa yak\u0131n bir m\u00fcttefiklik stat\u00fcs\u00fcnde ya\u015famay\u0131 tercih [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":4830,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"subtitle":"","format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"right-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"top","share_float_style":"share-monocrhome","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"Y\/m\/d","show_post_category":"1","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","zoom_button_out_step":"2","zoom_button_in_step":"3","show_post_tag":"1","show_prev_next_post":"1","show_popup_post":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_author_box":"1","show_post_related":"0","show_inline_post_related":"0"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0"},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_social_meta":[],"jnews_review":[],"enable_review":"","type":"percentage","name":"","summary":"","brand":"","sku":"","good":[],"bad":[],"score_override":"","override_value":"","rating":[],"price":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4829","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analiz"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/berru.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/02\/photo_2025-02-12_15-50-13.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4829","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4829"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4829\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4831,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4829\/revisions\/4831"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/4830"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4829"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4829"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4829"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}