Althusser\u2019in teorisi, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki siyasi hareketleri t\u0131kayan o dar ekonomi odakl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131karak, geleneksel Marksizmin kat\u0131 kurallar\u0131ndan kesin bir kopu\u015fu ifade eder. Toplumdaki her \u015feyin sadece ekonominin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki eski anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 reddeder. Bunun yerine, toplumu kendi i\u00e7inde karma\u015f\u0131k bir “yap\u0131lar yap\u0131s\u0131” olarak yeniden tan\u0131mlar. Bu de\u011fi\u015fimin merkezinde “\u00fcstbelirlenim” kavram\u0131 yatar; yani toplumsal olaylar sadece tek bir ekonomik sorunun de\u011fil, farkl\u0131 seviyelerdeki bir\u00e7ok \u00e7eli\u015fkinin bir araya gelmesinin sonucudur. Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131, siyasete ve ideolojiye kendi etkileri ve kendi geli\u015fim h\u0131zlar\u0131 olan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir alan tan\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Devam\u0131nda Althusser devletin bask\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc ile ideolojik ara\u00e7lar\u0131 aras\u0131nda bir ayr\u0131m yaparak iktidar kavram\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletir. Devletin ayakta kalmas\u0131 sadece zor kullanmas\u0131na de\u011fil, aile ve okul gibi kurumlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla gizlice in\u015fa etti\u011fi zihniyete ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130deoloji, insanlara seslenerek onlar\u0131 adeta “\u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131r” ve fark\u0131nda bile olmadan sistemin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na hizmet eden itaatk\u00e2r bireylere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00fcstyap\u0131 dedi\u011fimiz alan, art\u0131k sadece ekonominin pasif bir sonucu de\u011fil, aktif bir m\u00fccadele alan\u0131d\u0131r. Bu durum, siyasi faaliyetlerin neden zihniyet de\u011fi\u015fimine odaklanmas\u0131 ve toplumsal kurumlar\u0131 geri kazanmay\u0131 temel bir sava\u015f olarak g\u00f6rmesi gerekti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klar. Toplumu “tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131ndaki bir b\u00fct\u00fcn” olarak g\u00f6rerek, ekonominin de\u011fi\u015fimin tek itici g\u00fcc\u00fc olmadan di\u011fer unsurlar\u0131 eninde sonunda nas\u0131l belirledi\u011fini daha iyi kavrayabiliriz. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki bask\u0131 ili\u015fkilerini tam olarak anlamak i\u00e7in mevcut durumu \u00e7ok iyi okumam\u0131z\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n
Althusser\u2019in yap\u0131salc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, devletin insanlar\u0131 nas\u0131l boyunduruk alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 harika bir \u015fekilde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler ama i\u015f kurtulu\u015fa gelince yetersiz kal\u0131r. Tarihi “\u00f6znesi olmayan bir s\u00fcre\u00e7” olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, bireyleri sadece sistemi omuzlayan pasif ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131lara indirger. \u00d6zne, devletin ideolojik ara\u00e7lar\u0131 sayesinde \u00f6nceden belirlenmi\u015f bir role hapsedilir ve b\u00f6ylece tamamen sisteme tabi k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r. Ancak onun bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir bo\u015fluk yarat\u0131r: Devletin nas\u0131l k\u00f6le yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zekice a\u00e7\u0131klar ama kendi ayaklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde duran, \u00f6zg\u00fcr bir iradenin nas\u0131l ortaya \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemez.<\/p>\n
Tam da bu noktada, devlete ve tahakk\u00fcme kar\u015f\u0131 yeni bir ya\u015fam\u0131, yeni bir insan\u0131 var etme m\u00fccadelesi veren K\u00fcrt \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hareketinin \u201cKi\u015filik devrimi\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla ele almak gerekir. Sistemin bizi birer etki ya da sonu\u00e7 olmaya mahkum eden yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in, devletin akl\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda i\u015fleyen ahlaki ve politik bir toplumu yeniden in\u015fa ederek kendi \u00f6zneli\u011fimizi geri kazanmal\u0131y\u0131z. Bunun yan\u0131nda, bilimi insani de\u011ferlerden tamamen ar\u0131nd\u0131rma \u00e7abas\u0131, insanlar\u0131 sadece yap\u0131sal birer detaya indirgeyen ruhsuz, teknokratik bir bo\u015fluk yarat\u0131r. Bilimsel titizlik elbette vazge\u00e7ilmezdir, ama bilginin ahlaktan bu kadar kopar\u0131lmas\u0131, ezilenlerin ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f isyanlar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelen so\u011fuk bir bilim yaratma riski ta\u015f\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ekten d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir fikrin, ahlaki bir duru\u015fu ve vicdan\u0131 bilimsel s\u00fcrece yeniden dahil etmesi gerekti\u011fine inan\u0131yorum.<\/p>\n
Bilim bo\u015flukta \u00fcretilmemelidir; temelde ahlaki ve insani bir taraf\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Toplumu d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan, so\u011fuk bir \u015fekilde analiz etmek yerine bilgi, hayat\u0131 geri kazanman\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olmal\u0131 ve tarih biliminin asl\u0131nda anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 sorumlu kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Althusser’in 1968 sonras\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fim, eski yap\u0131salc\u0131 fikirlerinin \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle birlikte derin bir geri \u00e7ekilmeyi ifade eder. Sa\u011fl\u0131k sorunlar\u0131 nedeniyle bizzat ya\u015fayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 May\u0131s 1968 olaylar\u0131, 1960’larda kurdu\u011fu siyasi projelerin temellerini y\u0131kan teorik bir deprem etkisi yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu par\u00e7alanma ve derin h\u00fcz\u00fcn d\u00f6nemi, Althusser’i kendi teorik saplant\u0131lar\u0131yla sert bir \u015fekilde y\u00fczle\u015fmeye itti. Erken d\u00f6nem \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndaki o so\u011fuk bilimsel mesafenin, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi halk\u0131n canl\u0131 ya\u015fam\u0131ndan koparan bir canavara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc fark etti. Teoriyi “teori i\u00e7inde s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi” olarak yeniden tan\u0131mlayarak, entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7aban\u0131n sadece bir \u015feyler \u00fcretmek de\u011fil, bir sava\u015f alan\u0131 oldu\u011funu kabul etti.<\/p>\n
En parlak \u00f6\u011frencilerinin onu devrimcilikten \u00e7ok devlet memurlu\u011fu yapmakla su\u00e7lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayr\u0131l\u0131k, bu de\u011fi\u015fimi daha da h\u0131zland\u0131rd\u0131. Althusser ideolojik ara\u00e7lar \u00fczerinden devleti analiz ederken, \u00f6\u011frencileri devletin bir an \u00f6nce y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyordu. Bu gerilim sonunda onu “rastlant\u0131sal materyalizm” ya da kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma materyalizmine y\u00f6neltti. Eskiden t\u0131pk\u0131 Newton’un fizikte yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi toplumda da de\u011fi\u015fmez kurallar bulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Ama t\u0131pk\u0131 kuantum \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan \u00f6\u011frendi\u011fimiz do\u011frultuda elektronlar\u0131n tahmin edilebilir yollar yerine rastgele hareket etmesi gibi, Althusser de tarihin kesin kurallardan \u00e7ok (ona g\u00f6re) \u015fans eseri kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmalarla ilerledi\u011fini anlad\u0131.<\/p>\n
Burada metafizik tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 belki de tekrardan \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Kierkegaard’\u0131n dedi\u011fi gibi inan\u00e7, bazen mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kenara b\u0131rakmay\u0131 gerektirir ve zihnimiz olaylar\u0131n arkas\u0131ndaki mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zemedi\u011finde, de\u011fi\u015fime olan inanc\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 kaybetme riski ya\u015far\u0131z. Althusser\u2019in rastlant\u0131lara yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vurgu \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc salt mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 kabul eder. Bu durum bize \u015funu s\u00f6yler: Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte olanlar\u0131 Newton gibi kesin bir \u015fekilde analiz edebiliriz ama gelecek, sadece ak\u0131lla ayakta tutulamayacak bir t\u00fcr inan\u00e7 gerektiren, \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclemez kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmalar olmaya devam edecektir.<\/p>\n
Althusser\u2019in y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fmalar ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 son nokta bu topraklarda var olmu\u015f ya da olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan devrimci m\u00fccadele pratikleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da bizlere bir \u015feyler s\u00f6yleyebilir. \u00d6rne\u011fin; K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi\u2019nin 60-70\u2019li y\u0131llarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn devrimci hareketlere nazaran nas\u0131l toplumsalla\u015fabildi\u011fi tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00fcregelir. Ana ak\u0131m anlay\u0131\u015f, \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketi\u2019ni ve halk direni\u015fini olduk\u00e7a nesnele\u015ftiren bir yerden Diyarbak\u0131r Cezaevi\u2019nde ya\u015fananlar\u0131n hareketin kitleselle\u015fmesine sebep oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer. Ba\u015fka bir anlay\u0131\u015f da hareketin darbe s\u00fcrecinde Suriye\u2019ye \u00e7ekilmesi gibi ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011fru stratejik kararlar\u0131n getirdi\u011fi bir sonu\u00e7 oldu\u011funu iddia eder. \u015e\u00fcphesiz bunlar\u0131n hepsi asla reddedilemeyecek nesnel sebeplerdir.<\/p>\n
Peki ya \u00f6tesi? 50 y\u0131l boyunca devrimci m\u00fccadeleye ayn\u0131 inan\u00e7 ve iradeyle yakla\u015fmak; onun da \u00f6tesinde hayat\u0131nda k\u00f6y\u00fcnden ilk kez \u00fcniversite okumaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f gen\u00e7lerin \u00f6nce K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n sonra da d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131ndan devrimcilerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck umudu olmas\u0131 salt onlar\u0131n 1980\u2019in ba\u015f\u0131nda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir karara ba\u011fl\u0131 olabilir mi? Daha da eskiye d\u00f6nelim. Marx\u2019\u0131 Kapital gibi bir eseri yazmaya kadar getiren s\u00fcrecin en ba\u015f\u0131nda Marx, sermaye ili\u015fkilerini \u00e7ok iyi analiz eden bir insan olmak i\u00e7in mi yola \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131 yoksa erken yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere \u201cyabanc\u0131la\u015fan\u201d insan\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi amac\u0131yla m\u0131?<\/p>\n
Her gen\u00e7 politik anlamda \u00f6znele\u015firken g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir ya da birden fazla haks\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa, e\u015fitsizli\u011fe, adaletsizli\u011fe midesi buland\u0131\u011f\u0131, sinirlendi\u011fi i\u00e7in \u00f6znele\u015fir, bu \u00f6znele\u015fme itkisi b\u00fcy\u00fck resmi harika okumaktan gelmez asla. Fakat d\u00fcnyadaki e\u015fitsizlik ili\u015fkileri ya da \u00e7eli\u015fkileri idrak\u0131m\u0131z somutla\u015ft\u0131k\u00e7a biz de kendimizi iyice k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz; zaman ilerledik\u00e7e o kadar k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f\u00fczd\u00fcr ki Althusser\u2019in i\u015faret etti\u011fi yerden devletin ideolojik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7izdi\u011fi alanlar\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7emeyen ama \u00e7ok eskilerde m\u00fccadele etmesi gerekti\u011fine kanaat getirdi\u011fi i\u00e7in geleneksel m\u00fccadele al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n \u201c\u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde hareket eden insanlara d\u00f6neriz.<\/p>\n
Velhas\u0131l\u0131 kelam, bizim Althusser\u2019den \u00e7\u0131karmam\u0131z gereken iki \u015fey var. \u0130lki, bize \u00f6zg\u00fcr olmay\u0131 imkans\u0131zm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6steren ko\u015fullar\u0131 bir kenara at\u0131p, bize isyan edip \u201cbu d\u00fcnya de\u011fi\u015fmeli\u201d dedirten t\u0131ls\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 geri kazanmak ve m\u00fccadelenin d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u201cso\u011fuk\u201d materyalist anlay\u0131\u015ftan \u00e7\u0131kmakt\u0131r. \u0130kincisi ise bu t\u0131ls\u0131m\u0131n metafizik g\u00fcc\u00fc ile olmayan nesnelli\u011fi \u0131s\u0131t\u0131p ona bizi \u00f6zg\u00fcr k\u0131lacak \u015feklini vermektir.<\/p>\n
\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 Jiyan Bahad\u0131r<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Althusser\u2019in teorisi, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki siyasi hareketleri t\u0131kayan o dar ekonomi odakl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131karak, geleneksel Marksizmin kat\u0131 kurallar\u0131ndan kesin bir kopu\u015fu ifade eder. Toplumdaki her \u015feyin sadece ekonominin bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki eski anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 reddeder. Bunun yerine, toplumu kendi i\u00e7inde karma\u015f\u0131k bir “yap\u0131lar yap\u0131s\u0131” olarak yeniden tan\u0131mlar. Bu de\u011fi\u015fimin merkezinde “\u00fcstbelirlenim” kavram\u0131 yatar; yani toplumsal […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":10365,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"format":"standard","override":[{"template":"1","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"1","layout":"right-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"top","share_float_style":"share-monocrhome","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"Y\/m\/d","show_post_category":"1","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","post_calculate_word_method":"str_word_count","zoom_button_out_step":"2","zoom_button_in_step":"3","show_post_tag":"1","show_prev_next_post":"1","show_popup_post":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_author_box":"1","show_post_related":"0","show_inline_post_related":"0"}],"image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","disable_ad":"0","subtitle":""},"jnews_primary_category":[],"jnews_social_meta":[],"jnews_review":[],"enable_review":"","type":"percentage","name":"","summary":"","brand":"","sku":"","good":[],"bad":[],"score_override":"","override_value":"","rating":[],"price":[],"jnews_override_counter":{"view_counter_number":"0","share_counter_number":"0","like_counter_number":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"jnews_post_split":{"post_split":[{"template":"1","tag":"h2","numbering":"asc","mode":"normal","first":"0","enable_toc":"0","toc_type":"normal"}]},"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,50],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-10359","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analiz","category-genc-kalemler"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/berru.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Althusser.jpg","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10359","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10359"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10359\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":10366,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10359\/revisions\/10366"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10365"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10359"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10359"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/berru.org\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10359"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}